第7章

　　11754年，与法兰西的战争又有端倪了，在商务部议员的命令下，各殖民地的委员代表们还有当地的6个土族的酋长们将在奥尔巴尼齐集，并在那里召开一个大会，讨论协商我们的国家安全防御问题。汉密尔顿州长在接到这个命令后就通知州议会，并请州议会提供适当礼品，准备在开会的时候送给印第安人。州长提议由我和议长（诺里斯先生），还有托马斯·潘先生以及秘书彼得斯先生组成宾西法尼亚代表团参加这次会议。州议会通过了这个名单且提供了礼品，然而，他们却不赞成在宾西法尼亚以外的州开会进行谈判。我们和其他的代表团大概在6月的中旬在奥尔巴尼会集。

　　2在赴会途中，我起草了一个将各个殖民地联合在一个政府之下的方案，这样的话，为我们共同的防御和其它共同的重大事件提供了一个必要的平台。当我们经过纽约时，我把我的方案拿给了詹姆士·亚历山大先生和肯尼迪先生看，这两位绅士对公众事情有相当的造诣，得到他们的嘉许，我就更大胆地在大会上提出了我的这一方案。碰巧，有几位代表也提出了这样类似的计划。一个先决问题首先被提到了大会上，那就是我们是否应该成立一个联邦，这个问题被全体一致肯定通过。考虑了几种关于组建联邦的方案和报告后，我们成立了一个委员会，成员由每个殖民地派出一名。据报道，我的方案碰巧成为委员会的首选，只是经过了一些修改完善。

　　3按照这个方案，联邦政府将由一个总统来管辖治理，这个总统由英王来任命，由各殖民地的代表选举成立一个参议会，代表他们各自的集团。在这个问题上的讨论天天进行，与此同时的，还有印第安的事物。许多反对意见和不同意见都提了出来，但最终都被说服了，这个方案最后被全体一致无异议地通过，复本被寄送给商务部和各州的州议会。这个方案的命运非常奇特：州议会没有采纳它，因为他们认为它太专权了，而在英国，它却被认为它太民主了，也没被采纳。

　　4商务部没有赞成它，也没有报请英王陛下通过；有人提出了另一个方案，据说它更符合要求。按照这个方案，由各州的州长和部分参议会的议员商量练兵和修建炮台等事宜。所需费用由英国国库先垫付，事后由议会向美洲殖民地征税来偿还。我的计划和支持我这个计划的理由，都可以在我后来刊印的政治论文集中看到。

　　5接下来的那个冬天，我到了波士顿，因此我就有很多机会和薛力州长讨论这两个方案。我们之间关于这一问题的部分谈话，也可以在上述那些论文中找到。这些不同的和反对的不喜欢我这个方案的理由，使得我怀疑我的方案是否真的半生不熟；我一直坚持我的观点，它会给大西洋两岸都带来幸福的，假如它被采纳的话。这些殖民地如果联合在一起的话，力量会加强，捍卫自己的利益不在话下，这样一来就用不着从英国派遣军队了；也用不着向美洲人课税了，由课税引起的流血战争时时发生，这原本是可以避免的。但是像这样的错误已经不是新鲜的事了，历史上君王和国家的这样的谬误俯拾皆是。

　　环顾所居住的宇宙，

　　看得清自己优点的人，

　　是多么的少啊！

　　知道这点能够奋起直追的人又何其少啊！

　　6那些统治者们，手边上有忙不完的事，一般不可能会不辞辛劳地对一个新的方案深思熟虑，再把它付诸实行。因此那些好的方案被采纳，不是因为它先在的智慧，而是由于迫于偶然的时势。

　　7宾西法尼亚州的州长，在把我的计划送往议会时评价说：“这一计划看起来判断精确，有理有据，因此值得州议会加以最细心的和最认真的考虑。”但是，有个议员趁我偶然缺席的机会，设法使得议会讨论了这一议案，完全不加考虑，马马虎虎地就否决了它，这种策略在我看来是十分卑鄙的，一点都不公正的，而且这结果对我来说，我也没有丝毫的羞辱感。

　　8这年在我去波士顿的旅途中，我在纽约遇见了我们新州长莫里斯先生，他刚从英国来，我曾经跟他很熟悉。他奉命来接替汉密尔顿先生，汉密尔顿先生因为受了上司训令的约束，不可避免地要与州议会发生争执而辞职了。莫里斯先生问我，依照我的观点他是否会像前任州长一样处境艰难、办事棘手？我说：“不，相反的，如果你小心不和州议会发生争辩，你的处境会一帆风顺的，完全称心如意”。他高兴地说：“我亲爱的朋友，你怎样能劝我避免争论啊？你知道，我最爱与人争论了，这是我人生一大乐事啊！然而，为了尊重你的忠告，我向你保证，我将尽可能地避免与议会的争辩”。他爱好争辩是有些理由的，他巧舌如簧，思维敏捷，是个精明的辩论家，在争辩中往往处于上风。他在这方面从小就训练有素，据说他的父亲常常在饭后使他的孩子们相互争辩作为消遣，但我认为这样的方法是不明智的，根据我的观察，凡是喜欢争辩、抗辩和反驳的人在工作上一般总是倒霉的。尽管有时候他们会获得胜利，但那只是暂时的，人们总憎恨他们，获得人们的好感远比一时的争强好胜对他们有好处的多。我们分手后，他到费城去了，我则去了波士顿。

　　9在回来的路上，我在纽约看到了州议会的决议案，从这些决议案来看，好像尽管他向我做过保证，但他和州议会的关系已经十分恶劣了；在他任职期间，他和州议会之间一直是唇枪舌剑，不断地斗争着。我也加了进来，因为我一回到州议会，他们就要我参加各种各样的委员会，驳斥他的演讲和咨文，委员会总要我起草这些文件。我们的答复和他的咨文常常是尖刻的，有时竟是像泼妇骂街！他知道这些答复是我替议会写的，因此人们会想当然地认为，当我们见面时，也难免会辩驳一番。但是他却是一个敦厚的人，公私分明，所以我们两人之间并没有因为这些公事上的争执，而影响了个人的恩怨。我们还常在一起吃饭呢！

　　10有天下午，正当这公务上的争吵达到高潮时，我们在街上碰到了。他说：“富兰克林，请跟我一块上我家消磨一个晚上吧，我有些朋友要来，你会喜欢他们的。”说完就挽着我的胳膊，到他家去了。饭后，我们一面喝着酒，一面愉快地闲聊，他开玩笑地对我们说，他很喜欢桑科·潘萨的想法，当有人提议叫他做国王时，他要求让他统治黑奴，因为，如果他和他的人民意见不合时，他可以把他们买掉。他一个坐在我旁边的朋友说：“富兰克林，你为什么始终偏袒那些该死的教友会教友呢？你把他们卖了，不是更好吗？我们的老板愿意高价收买呢！”我说：“州长把他们涂得够黑啊！”他确实在他所有的咨文中竭尽可能地把州议会描画成漆黑一团，但是州长刚把黑色涂上，州议会就尽快把它擦去，而且回敬给他，涂在他自己的脸上，所以当他发现他自己看上去将变成黑人的时候，他像汉密尔顿先生一样，对于这种争执感到厌倦了，于是也辞职了！

　　11这些公开的争吵说到底还是因为私人领主，他们是我们世袭的州长，每当为了防止他们的领地承担费用时，他们就用让人难以置信的方式告诫他们的代理人，拒绝通过征收必需捐税的议案，除非在同一法令中，明文规定他们巨大的财产获得免税。他们甚至要求他们的代表写下担保书来保证遵从他们的诺言。州议会连续三年坚决反对这种不公正的行为，虽然最后它不得不屈服了。最后，丹尼上尉继任了莫里斯州长的职位，他终于大胆而又坚决地执行这些领主的命令了。关于这件事的来龙去脉我将在下文叙述。

　　但是，我讲得太快了，抢到我的故事前面去了，在莫里斯州长的任期内还必须提这几件事。

　　12与法战争在某种方式上已经开始了，马萨诸塞弯的政府准备拿下王冠岬，并派了昆西先生到宾西法尼亚和波纳尔先生即后来的波纳尔州长，到纽约寻求援助。那时我正在议会，知道里面的情况；我还是昆西的老乡，所以，他就恳求我利用我的地位来帮帮他。我向他口授了一些对议会那些人演讲的内容，这篇演讲的反响良好。州议会投票决定援助1万英镑，用来购买粮秣辎重。但是州长拒绝通过该项议案（该议案还包括给国王的各项费用），除非再加进一条，免除私人领主支付任何因此而要交纳的捐税。虽然州议会极力想使他们对新英格兰的援助有效，但是不知道该怎么实现它。昆西先生努力使州长先生能够批准该项议案，但是州长就是不准，他很顽固的！

　　13那时我提出了个建议，不需要州长的同意就可以办到，就是向贷款办订购信用券，按照法律，州议会有权这样做，但是那个时候，贷款办实际上也没有多少钱，因此我就提议这些信用券在一年之内就该兑现，并且承担5厘的利息。我认为可以利用这些信用券顺利地解决粮秣辎重问题。州议会没有丝毫犹豫就采纳了我的主张。信用券被立即印发了出来，我是指定签署和发行这些信用券的委员之一。当时全州的货币贷款的利息和消费税的收入都用来偿付这些信用券，大家知道这样的回收是绰绰有余的，因此立即赢得了人们的信任，这些信用券不仅用来买粮草，而且有些有钱人把手边的闲钱投在它身上，拿来做投资，而且这种投资没什么风险，因为这些信用券没转让出去时，它们有利息，而在任何时候它们可以当做现金来使用，所以它们在发行的短短几个星期之内就被抢购一空了。这样，这件重要的事在我的方法下终于完成了。在一篇措辞文雅的备忘录中我的朋友昆西先生对州议会表示了深深的谢意，并且对他这次外交的成功感到相当满意，可以说是载誉而归，此后，我俩之间的友谊是那么的热诚和深厚。

　　14英国政府不允许各殖民地按照奥尔巴尼的建议建立一个联合政权，也不愿这个联邦建立起它们自己的防御军事，因为害怕殖民地的力量过于强大而影响或削弱自己的力量了。这时，英国政府对各殖民地已经充满了怀疑和猜忌，因此它派遣了布莱德多克将军和两个联队的英国正规军队越过海峡来美洲，作为边防军维护英国政府的既得利益。他在维吉尼亚的亚历山大海港那里登陆，然后又向马里兰的弗雷德里克进军，不久又在那里驻扎了下来。我们的州议会从各个方面打探来的消息中得知，这位将军对我们的议会颇有强烈的偏见，认为州议会会反对他的军队，所以议会要我以邮政总长的身份而不是以议会的名义去拜访他，在与他商谈问题的情况下，用最为迅速的速度和最稳妥安全的方式给他和州长们传递信件，他必然要不断地和州长们保持联络。各州州长建议邮递费用由他们负担，这次随我同行的还有我的儿子。

　　15我们在弗雷德里克镇找到了这位将军，他正很不耐烦地等待那些他派到马里兰和维吉尼亚四处寻找马车的助手们。我和他相处了好几天，每天和他一块进餐，因此我有充足的机会向他提供关于议会的信息来解除他对我们的偏见，我对他说，为了帮助他开展工作，议会在他来之前就已经开始做了准备工作，并且一直愿意这样做下去。当我动身回来的时候，收集马车的统计数字送来了，从这些数字来看，马车的数量好像不多，只有25辆，而且当中还有些是破旧不堪的。将军和他的随从官员们看到这样的马车都非常吃惊，认为这次真是出师不利，因为它无法进行下去了，他们开始诅咒英国政府愚昧无知，叫他们在缺乏运输工具的地带登陆简直瞎了眼！因为他们至少需要150辆马车来运输粮秣行李等东西。

　　16碰巧我说了句，真遗憾他们没在宾西法尼亚登陆，因为在那里几乎每家每户都有一辆马车。这位将军马上急切地抓住我这句话，说到：“那这样吧，先生，你是那里有地位的人能够帮得上我们的忙的，你能够替我们弄到这些车辆的，我恳请您来承办这件事”。我问他愿意给马车的车主什么样的酬劳；然后他就要求我把我认为必需的酬劳写到纸上去。我照做了，他们就同意这样的报酬，之后委托书和指令就立即准备好了。我一到兰开斯特就把那些酬劳写在广告里登了出去，这个广告产生了一个巨大而又突然的效果，作为一个奇异有趣的文件，我将在这插入它的全文，供大家看一下。原文如下：

　　广 告

　　1753年4月26日，兰开斯特

　　兹因英王陛下的军队将要在威尔港集合，需要150辆马车，每辆马车需配备马4匹，还有1500匹鞍马或驮马，英王优秀的爱将布莱德多克将军乐意授权给我让我代他同诸位订立雇佣上述车马合同。特此通知：从即日起到下星期三晚上为止，我将在兰开斯特办理此事，从下星期四上午起到星期五晚上，我将在约克办理此事。在上述两地租用车辆，车队或单独的马匹的费用基本如下：1．每辆马车如配有4匹好马和一个车夫的话，每天将有15先令的酬劳，配有全套马鞍或者其它马鞍和其它装备的健壮马匹，每日每匹付与2先令的酬劳，没有配备马鞍等设备的健壮马匹，每日每匹付与18便士。2．各种车马的租费都从加入威尔港部队之日算起。车辆马匹必须在下个月（5月）20日以前到威尔港部队报到。除了规定的租金以外，对于马匹在往返途中的时间也将给予适当的补贴。3．每一辆马车和牲口联队，每一匹鞍马或驭马应由我和马或马车的主人共同选定公正的人士进行评估，万一这些马匹和车在军役途中丢失的话，也好照价赔偿。4．在订立该合同时，如有必要，马车或马匹的主人可向我预支7天的租金，余款将由布莱德多克将军或军需官在解雇时或在其它需要的时候支付。5．马车的车夫或者照料雇佣马匹的车夫在任何情形下，决不被命令履行兵士的职务或者其它照料马车或马匹以外的工作。6．凡是由马车或马匹运抵军营的一切燕麦、玉米或者其它粮食，除饲养马匹必须的以外，其它的都拿来供军队所用，按其合理价格收购。

　　备注：我的儿子威廉·富兰克林有权在坎伯兰郡与任何人订立此类合同。

　　本杰明·富兰克林

　　告兰开斯特、约克和坎伯兰郡人民书

　　朋友们，老乡们：

　　几天之前我偶然到弗雷德里克军营去，我发现那位将军和他的下属军官们正因为缺乏马匹和车辆而发愁、恼怒。他们本来以为宾西法尼亚是最有能力的，也期待着本州给他们提供这些便利，但是由于我们的州长和州议会意见不和，我们既没有拨款，也没有为此采取其它有效的措施。

　　有人建议，立即派一支武装力量进入本州各郡，按照需要强占一些精良的马匹和车辆，并强征必要数量的壮丁入伍，来驾驭、照料车辆和马匹。

　　我很担心英国士兵带着这样的使命通过本州各郡，特别是考虑到他们现在的愤怒和他们对我们的怨恨，这样会给我们的居民带来许多大量的不便。因此，我更愿意不辞辛劳，试着用更公平合理的方式来解决这个问题。近来各边郡的人们向议会抱怨说手边的货币太少了；现在你们有机会赢得一笔可观的钱了，假如这次战事如所预计的持续120天，事实上它可能还会更久，这些租用车辆和马匹的费用就会超过3万镑之巨，他们将用英王的金银币来支付这些租金。

　　这样的服役是非常轻便和简单的，因为军队每天走不了20英里的路，马车和那些运输行李的马匹，它们运输的东西对军队来说是非常必要的。所以必须跟上军队的步伐，不能走太快，也不能走太慢，而且为了军队起见，不论在行军时还是安营扎寨时，都应该把这些马匹和车辆放在最安全的地方的。

　　正如我所相信的，假如你们真的是对英王陛下绝对善良和忠诚的话，现在就有让你们表现忠心的机会，而且做起来也没有什么难度。假如是因为农忙而不好单独提供1辆马车，4匹马和1个马车夫的话，那3、4家合在一起也可以了，一家出车，另一家出1匹或2匹马，其余的出个马车夫，租费你们可以按比例来分摊。假如对于这样优厚的待遇和合理的酬劳仍然不能打动你们那报效英王忠心的话，那么人们就要大大地怀疑你们所谓的忠心了。国王的任务必须完成。那么多勇敢的战士不远千里来保卫你们，决不能因为你们的玩忽职守而放弃；车辆和马匹是非要不可的，因此他们可能采取强制手段，到时候你们就会深感痛苦，无计可施了，而且到那时也少有人来同情和关心你们了！

　　在这件事上，我没有特别的利益所求，除了满足我行善的努力之外，我只会鞠躬尽瘁。假如这样的获得马车和马匹的方案还不能成功的话，我不得不在两星期内通知将军。我想轻骑兵约翰·圣克莱爵士会立刻带着一队士兵到宾西法尼亚来找马车。到那时我将感到十分遗憾，因为我是你们非常真挚的朋友。

　　你们的朋友

　　本杰明·富兰克林

　　17我从将军那里领到了大概800镑，作为付给车主等人的预支租金，但是这笔钱还不够，所以我又垫付了200多镑。两星期之内150辆马车和259匹驭马就向军营出发了。广告上本来讲好如果有车马损失，就照价赔偿。但是车主说，他们不认识那将军，或者也不知道他的诺言是否可靠，所以他们坚持要我亲自担保，于是，我就担保下来了。

　　18一天晚上，我在军营里同丹巴上校联队的军官们共进晚餐，他告诉我他很担心他的部下，因为这些军官们的收入一般都不多，而英国的消费水平又非常高，什么都贵。这次到这样一个没有人烟的地方远征，他们连必需的日用品都无力购买。我对他们的处境表示相当的同情，决定设法替他们想些办法来改善这些情况。但是我没有立即告诉他我的意图，第二天上午我就写了一封信给一个有权支配一些公款的委员会，诚恳地希望他们考虑这些军官的处境，提议赠送给他们一些食物饮料和日用必需品。我儿子曾经在军营里呆过，对军营的生活和需要有一些经验和体会，他替我开了张单子，我就把它附在信里一同寄了出去。委员会同意了我的请求，这件事办理得相当迅速，当宾西法尼亚的车马队达到军营时，这些日用品也由我儿子押运着送到了。共计20包，每包都有：

　　块状糖

　　6磅

　　上等黑砂糖

　　6磅

　　上等绿茶

　　1磅

　　上等红茶

　　1磅

　　上等咖啡粉

　　6磅

　　巧克力

　　6磅

　　上等白色曲奇饼

　　50磅

　　胡椒粉

　　半磅

　　上等白酒

　　1夸尔

　　格洛斯特 1块

　　上等牛油

　　1桶含有20磅 陈年白葡萄酒

　　2打

　　牙买加酒

　　2加仑 芥末粉

　　1瓶

　　上等熏火腿

　　2只 腌舌

　　半打

　　大米

　　6磅 葡萄干

　　6磅

　　19这20个大包，包装得很牢固，很好，放在20匹马上。每1个包跟1匹马一同送给1个军官。军官们收到这些礼物时，莫名的感动，两个联队的上校都写信给我，向我表示衷心的感谢。将军看我替他租到了车辆等物也感到十分满意，马上就偿还了我的垫款，再三地向我道谢，并且要求我继续协助他，替他负责粮草辎重等。这事我也答应了，并且忙忙碌碌地采办着军粮直到我们听到他失败的消息为止，我个人替他的军队垫了1000多英镑，我寄了一张帐单给他。幸亏在会战的前几天他收到了这张帐单，所以他立即寄回了一张汇款单，命令军需官付给我1000镑的整数，余下的并入下次账目。这次能够收回账目简直是个奇迹，因为至此以后我再也没有收回所欠的余款了。

　　20这位将军，我认为，是个非常勇敢的人，在欧洲战场上或许可能会成为一个能征善战的将军，可是他太自信了，而且高估了正规部队的作战能力，也低估了美洲殖民地和印第安人的反抗力量。乔治·克罗恩，我们的印第安语翻译，带了100名印第安人加入他的军队随军前行，如果这位将军能好好对待他们的话，他们一定会发挥好他们的向导作用，但是将军瞧不起他们，以致后来乔治·克罗恩他们离开了军队。

　　21一天在我跟他的谈话中，他向我透露他的作战计划。他说：“拿下杜肯堡垒后，我将直捣尼亚加拉；拿下之后，我就进军弗郎耐克，如果季节允许的话；我想，这也没什么不可以的，因为杜肯堡垒很难抵得住我们3、4天的进攻；也没什么东西可以阻碍我们向尼亚加拉的进军步伐。”我脑海中老出现他的军队在蜿蜒的羊肠小道上被拉成好长的一条线，这样的话很可能在树林和灌木丛里遭埋伏，而被切成几段吃掉，我也曾经了解到上一次战役就是这样的情形，大概有1500人的法国军队，在侵入易洛魁的领地时惨遭这样的失败，所以我为他这次的战役很是担心，怀疑他是否能免遭此厄运。但是我鼓足勇气，也只敢说：“当然了，先生，顺利拿下杜肯堡，这个是肯定的，因为您的军队装备优良，而且杜肯堡这个地方也没有很强的防御力量，听说他们的防御工事都还没有完成呢！但是对您的军队来说惟一的忧患就是印第安人的埋伏，他们很善于打这样的战法，在埋伏和偷袭方面都是十分神出鬼没的，您的军队一旦走上这样的山路，队伍势必会拉的很长，几乎有4英里之长了，这样您的军队就很有可能给敌人有可乘之机了，敌人很有可能从侧翼来伏击它，包围且把它分割成几段。由于战线太长，首尾不能互相照应，因此不可能在短时间内互相支援的。这可以说是个兵家之大忌呀。

　　22他不但不听我的劝告反而笑我愚昧无知。他说：“的确啊，这些勇猛的土著对于你们这些未经正规训练的殖民地民兵来说可能是强敌，但是对于英王陛下的久经沙场的正规军来说，先生，他们是兴不起什么大风来的。”我意识到我没有资格和一个军人争辩他专业上的问题，因此就不再多说什么了。然而，狡猾的敌人，并没有在我想象的长蛇阵中伏击他们，而是让他们继续前进，直到离目的地9英里的地方才开始动手。在那里，部队都集中在一起了（因为部队正渡河，先头部队停止前进在那等待全军过河），而且这块地是他们经过的最大的一块林间空地，就在这里，敌人从树林和丛林后面对他的先头部队发起了猛烈的进攻。到这时，将军才第一次明白他的敌人果然离他是如此的近了。先头部队秩序大乱，将军就督促他的大军上前救援，但是救援工作也陷入了巨大的麻烦当中，因为马车、行李和牲口一旦敌人开火就自己乱了起来，所以队伍被挤在一起不得前进。不久敌人就从他们的侧翼进攻，军官们因为骑在马上，是鲜明的靶子，成为众矢之的，很快地都倒下了。士兵们乱作一堆，听不到军官们的号令，只能呆在那里给人做枪靶子，可怜的他们死伤惨重，大概有23以上的人中弹倒下了，其余的士兵恐慌极了，都作鸟兽散。

　　23一个赶车的人从他所在的队伍中拽出一匹马来逃跑了，他立即成了别的车夫的榜样，于是大家也都跟着逃跑了。因此所有的马车、粮秣、大炮和其它的军火都留给了敌人。将军本人也受伤了，他的部下好不容易才把他救了出来。他的秘书薛力先生在他身边饮弹而亡；全军86位军官，至少有63位牺牲或受伤的，1100名士兵中有714位战士在此次战役中丧生。这1100名兵士都是从全军中挑出来最优秀的士兵；死里逃生的士兵们都逃往丹巴上校那里，按原定的作战计划，丹巴上校负责押运大量的军火，粮草和行李在后面随行。逃来的士兵并没有受到敌人的追袭，但是他们给丹巴上校和他的部队带来了恐慌，这种恐慌使得他们方寸大乱。虽然他们现在还有1000多人，而在丛林中伏击布莱德多克将军的敌军包括印第安人和法国人，总共加在一起也不会超过400多人。但丹巴上校不但不敢向前进军，转败为胜，反而命令军队把全部的粮秣辎重等物加以销毁，免受拖累，以便获得更多的马匹帮他逃回殖民地。当时他还答应了维吉尼亚、马里兰和宾西法尼亚州的州长们的要求，要把军队驻扎在边境上以便保卫居民；但是他却一直仓皇后退，直到退到费城，感觉到那里的居民能够确保他的安全。这整件事首先打破了英国正规军在美洲殖民地人民心目中勇敢无敌的光辉形象。人们意识到，以前对他们推崇备至的做法是毫无根据的。

　　24在他们第一次行军时，从他们登陆到他们到达殖民地为止，他们一路抢劫掳掠所经过的村庄，无恶不作，害得某些穷苦的家庭破产了，而假如他们胆敢反抗，则侮辱虐待和幽禁加倍地接踵而至。假如我们需要保护者保护的话，那这件事就足够使我们对所谓的保卫者厌恶至极。这与我们法国友人的行为是多么不同呀！他们1781年从罗德艾兰岛到维吉尼亚州去，经过我们我们州的人口最为稠密的地方，全程达700英里之长。但是他们所经过的地方，老百姓没有因为丢失猪啊、鸡啊，甚至苹果等任何细小的东西而抱怨，他们对沿路的居民真是做到了秋毫无犯。

　　25那位将军的一个副官欧姆上尉受了重伤，他跟将军一起被救了出来，并且一直和将军住在一起，直到几天后将军去世为止。欧姆上尉对我说：“将军在第一天里沉默了一整天，直到晚上才说了一句，‘谁会想得到呢？’然后在接下来的几天里继续沉默，直到去世前的几分钟里才说了最后一句话：‘下一次，我们就知道该如何收拾他们了。’”

　　26秘书的文件包括将军的全部命令，训令和通信，这些全部落入了敌人之手，他们挑选了几件，并翻成了法文，印了出来，证明英国人在宣战前对法国已经有敌意了。在这些发表的文件中，我看见几封将军写给内阁的信，信中对我向他的军队提供周到服务赞誉备至，并请他们注意我。几年后，当赫特福德领主任法国大使时，大卫·休姆做过他的秘书，后来他又在康威将军任国务大臣时做了康威将军的秘书，他也说他在国务大臣的档案中看到了布莱德多克将军极力推荐我的信件。但因为这次出征的失利，人们大概认为我的协助也没有什么价值，因而这些推荐对我从未发生过什么作用。

　　27对将军本人，我只要求一个回报，那就是请他命令他的部下不要再征募我们跟他订立合同的奴仆，已经征募的请他释放。这件事他很快地答应了。有几个订立了合同的奴仆，经过我的申请，重新归还他们的主人。军权被丹巴接手后，丹巴就不那么干脆了。当他退却逃跑到费城时，我请他释放兰从开斯特3个穷苦农民家征募的仆人，同时提醒他已故将军有这方面的命令。他向我保证，他的军队就要开到纽约去了，几天之后他将在特伦顿停留，如果这些主人到特伦顿去找他，他在那里会把他们的仆人还给他们。于是这些农民就凑足了路费，不辞辛苦地赶到特伦顿去，到了那里，丹巴却拒绝了履行他的诺言，使他们大失所望，而且白白浪费一通路费。

　　28等到关于车辆和马匹损失的消息普遍传开以后，所有的主顾都向我索取由我作保的赔偿费。他们的要求使我大伤脑筋，我告诉他们赔偿的款项已经在军需官的手中了，但是付款的命令必须来自薛力将军，我向他们保证说我已经向薛力将军发出了赔偿申请，但是因为他在很远的地方，我们不能立即得到回复，因此必须要有耐心。但是，这番话还是不能满足大家的要求，有的人已经开始向我提出诉讼了。最后薛力将军终于把我从这可怕的处境中拯救出来了，他委派了几个委员来审查各人的要求，并支付赔款。赔款总数已达2万镑之巨，如果这一切都要我来承担的话，我非破产不可了！

　　29在我们接到失败的消息之前，有两位邦德医生带着募捐册来向我募捐，以便集资举办一次盛大的焰火晚会，准备在我们收到攻下杜肯堡的捷报之后狂欢庆祝。我表情严肃地告诉他们说，我认为当我们收到了确切的消息以后，需要举行狂欢庆祝时再来筹备也不迟。对于我没有立即赞同他们的建议，他们表现得很惊讶，其中一个人说：“呀，你总不会认为我们连这样的炮台都攻不下吧？！”“我并不认为我们攻不下，但是胜败很难预测呀。”接着我就告诉他们我之所以怀疑的理由，募捐也就此作罢，因而，他们总算躲过了一场让他们懊恼的事。如果他们买了烟火，他们定会悔恨交加的！后来在另一个场合，邦德医生说他不喜欢富兰克林的不好的预感。

　　30在布莱德多克将军失败之前，莫里斯州长不断地跟议会摩擦，一个咨文接一个咨文地宣读，企图迫使州议会通过州防备经费的法案而免征地主的财产税，他否决了州议会所有的议案，因为它们没有免除征收地主财产税的条款。现在危险更大了，加强州的防备的需要也更迫切了，所以他加紧向州议会施加压力，这样一来，他达到目的的希望也越来越大了。但是州议会还是坚定不移，因为他们相信正义是属于他们的，如果他们让州长修改他们的财政法案，他们的权利无疑将受到严重的侵犯。

　　31在最后一批议案中有个议案，拨款5万镑，的确州长建议只改动一个字，原来的议案说：“一切动产和不动产都得征税，地主的财产亦然，”州长把“亦”改成了“不”字，修改虽然不多，但意义却有很大的变化。我们一直把州议会对州长咨文的答复寄给我们英国的朋友。当军事失利的消息传到英国后，这些朋友就哗然了，指责地主们不应该对他们的州长发出这样卑鄙的不公正的咨文？既然他们阻碍了州防备，那他们就没有权力再管理殖民地事情了。州长们考虑到舆论的压力，就命令他们的财务总管从税收入中拨出5000镑，也不管州议会在这个目的上通过多大数目的经费。

　　32这样，接到这样的通知后，州议会就接受了这5000镑作为他们应缴捐税的代金，接着他们就提出了一个新的议案，附有免税条款，于是议案就被通过了。根据这个法案，我是处理该项经费的委员之一，拨款总额共有6万镑。我一度积极参与了这项议案的起草工作，并积极使得它获得通过。同时，我起草了一个建立和训练志愿者民兵的议案，并且在议会中很容易地获得了通过，因为在议案中我小心地保留了教友会的自由。为了促进和民兵的必要的联系，我写了一篇对话录，尽我所能想到的一切关于反对民兵和驳斥民兵的观点都给予答复和解释，这篇对话录被印了出来，并且如我所想的，产生了巨大的反响。

　　33当城市和乡村的几个民兵联队已经开始训练的时候，州长请我去办理西北部的边防，修建一系列炮台来保卫当地的居民，因为那里经常有敌人出没。我承担了这项军事任务，尽管我不坚信我自己就一定胜任这个职务。他给了我全权的委任状，给我一包空白的军官委任状，只要我觉得合适就可以颁发给任何人。招募志愿者我倒是没有什么困难，不久我就招募了560多人，全归我统帅。我的儿子，他曾经在对加拿大的战役中做过军官，是我一个得力的助手，并且帮了我很大的忙。印第安人已经焚毁了哥纳登荷，一个兄弟派的教友会建立的村落，他们屠杀了那里的居民；这个地方，我认为是个建立炮台的理想位置。

　　34为了向那里进军，我在伯利恒齐集了部队，伯利恒是弟兄派教友的主要所在地。我非常惊奇地发现伯利恒的防御工事是做得如此的好，也许是哥那登荷的破坏使得他们预防陷入危险吧。这个地方的房屋都是用栅栏围起来的，他们还从纽约购买了质地精良的武器设备，在他们高大的石头房子的窗户内他们还堆放了一些石头，以便在印第安人袭击他们的时候，他们的妇女们可以向那些入侵者扔石头。武装了起来的教友们也保持安全警戒，他们也像其他驻防城市的守备队一样，有条不紊地轮班看守，交替休息。跟他们主教施邦盖博谈话的时候，我提到了我对这里防御情况的惊讶，因为，我清楚他们获得过议会的特许，不用在他们的殖民地服军役，我原以为他们是十分真诚地反对当兵的呢，但现实情景好像并不是这样。他回答我说，反对服兵役并不是他们的既定的教规之一，但是在那时却获得了议会的特许，所以人们就把这条看作他们中的大多数人的信仰。然而在这次的事件当中，使人们感到大为惊奇的是，他们中很少有人坚持这一原则。这样看起来，好像他们有点自欺欺人，或者他们骗过了州议会；但不管怎么说，眼前的危机和常识或许能解释这样反复无常的念头。

　　35在1月初，我们就开始着手修建炮台了。我派了一个特遣队到明尼斯克去，在那里的一个高地上修建一个保卫安全的炮台，接着又派了一支到较低的地方修建炮台；随后我自己带着其余的人马向哥那登荷前进，那个地方实在需要修建一个炮台。那些弟兄派的教友们就替我们准备了5辆马车来运我们的工具，食物和行李等东西。

　　36就在我们要从伯利恒出发的时候，有11个农民跑来找我们，他们刚被印第安人从农场上赶了出来，因此他们请求我们能给他们一些火药武器，以便他们能够从印第安人那里夺回牲口。我给了他们每人1枝枪和一些火药。我们还没走几里路，天就开始下起雨来了。而且持续下了一整天；路上我们也没有什么躲雨的地方，直到快到晚上的时候我们来到一个德国农民的家里，在他们家的谷仓里，我们挤作一团，浑身上下没一处是干的，就像水里捞出来的一样。还好我们一路上都没遭遇敌人的进攻，因为我们的武器十分简陋，而且我们的士兵都不知道怎么样才能让枪杆保持干燥。印第安人有个独特的办法保持枪械的干燥，而我们却没有。当天，我们前面提到的那11个可怜的农民和印第安人遭遇了，他们中有10个被杀了，只有一个人侥幸逃了出来，那个人告诉我们他们的枪被雨淋湿后开不了火，他和他的同伴们因此吃了大亏。

　　37第二天天晴了，我们继续我们的行军，不久就到达了寸草不生的哥那登荷。那里有个锯木厂，在它附近还剩了几堆木头，我们就用它们搭建了我们简易的兵营；在这样严酷的季节里建些房屋是十分必要的，因为我们没有帐篷。我们要做的第一件事就是妥善地安葬那些死者，以前人们总是草草地掩埋他们的。

　　38第二天上午，我们就为修建炮台指定了一个计划，并且开始付诸行动，我们选择了一个炮基，这个炮基需要长450英尺，这就需要455根紧密排列的栅栏，每根栅栏由直径一英尺的树干制成。我们共有70把斧头，立即开始了伐木工作，我们的士兵都是伐木高手，所以伐木的速度非常快。看到伐木的速度是如此之快，当两个士兵开始砍一棵松树的时候我不禁好奇的掏出表来看，不到6分钟他们便把树伐倒了，我发现那棵树的直径有14英寸，每棵松树都可作成3根18英尺长的栅栏，栅栏的一端削尖。当我们的伐木工作进行时，其他的士兵挤在四周挖掘了3英尺深的壕沟，以便把栅栏插入土中。我们把马车的车身拆了下来，拔掉连接前后两段辕杆的钉子，把前后轮分开，这样一来，我们就有了10辆马车了，每辆有两匹马拖拉，把栅栏从森林运到工地上来。当栅栏打牢以后，我们的木工沿着栅栏用木板建了个搭脚，离地大概有6英尺高，以备士兵站在上面从枪眼处向外射击。我们还有一门旋转大炮，我们可以调整他的角度，当它被安装起来我们就开了炮，目的是让印第安人知道，假如他们有人在附近听到了的话，我们有这样的装备了。这炮台，假如可以这样称呼的话，如此雄伟的名字配上如此简陋的栅栏在一星期之内终于完工了，虽然每隔一天就倾盆大雨，使得士兵们无法进行工作。

　　39这给我提供了一个观察的机会，当人们工作的时候，他们的状态非常好，在他们工作的时间里，他们性格温和心情愉快，而且意识到自己做好了一天的工作，在晚上他们就过得相当舒畅；但是当他们整天无所事事时，他们就会桀傲不驯，争吵不休，挑剔他们的伙食等等，这就使我想起一个船长的笑话来了，他有个规则就是他总是使他的水手们不断地工作着，有一次他的副手跑来告诉他说所有的工作全部做完了，还有什么事让他们做没有，这船长说：“哦，让他们去刷洗锚吧。”

　　40这种炮台，尽管很简陋，但是对付没有大炮的印第安人，已经是绰绰有余了。因为我们已经有一个安全据点了，这样我们万一碰到情况就有了一个退守的地方，因此我们就结伴搜索附近的地区。我们没有遇到印第安人，但是我们发现了附近一个山头上他们窥视我们的一个场所，这些地方有个巧妙的装置，值得一提。因为在冬天，烤火对他们来说是十分必要的，但是普通的火堆是生在地面上的，因此当生火的时候在远处的人们就会很容易发现他们。他们于是就撅了一个洞，深3英尺，直径也是3英尺；我们可以看得出他们用斧头从森林里烧焦的木头上砍下木炭，把这些木炭放在洞底生火，我们还看得出来他们躺在地洞四周草地上烤火的痕迹他们的腿应当是伸进洞里保持脚板温暖的，保持胶版温暖对他们来说是十分重要的。用这种方式生出来的火，人们发现不了他们，因为看不见火光，火焰，火星甚至烟都看不见。看来他们的人数不是很多，因而看到我们这么多人，也不好对我们采取贸然的袭击。

　　41我们军中有个热心的长老会牧师稗逖先生，他向我抱怨说这些士兵都不来参加祈祷，也不来听他的劝勉。当他们应征的时候，他们曾被允诺，除了饷银和伙食以外，他们每天还可得到1吉耳的朗母酒，每天都会按时发给他们，一半在上午，另一半在晚上发；发酒的时候大家都会按时来。听到这里，我就对稗逖先生说：“作为一个牧师，要你去管理朗母酒有点屈就你的尊驾了，但是您如果等到祈祷完毕后再发酒，他们都会来的。”他觉得这样不错，于是就接受了这一职位。有几个人帮他倒酒，这件事进展得相当令人满意，祈祷会从未有人缺席，而且比以往更守时了；因此我想，与其用军法惩治那些不参加礼拜仪式的人倒不如用这种方法引导他们更好。

　　42几乎我一完成这边的工作，刚把炮台里的粮秣等东西储存好，就收到了州长的来信。在信中，州长说他已经召集了州议会，假如边境的形式不再需要我操心的话，就要我去参加会议。我在州议会的朋友们也来信叫我回去参加会议，假如可能的话。现在我3个主要的炮台修建工作都已经竣工了，人们也可以在炮台的保护下安心地在自己的农场里工作了，因此，我就决定回去。更使人高兴的是，来了一个新英格兰军官，克拉彭上校，与印第安人作战十分有经验，碰巧来访问我们的据点，他也愿意接受这一职务。因此，我就颁给了他一份委任状，在检阅驻军时，我向他们宣读了这一委任状，并且把他介绍给了全体士兵，他在军事上的丰富技巧和经验，使我认为他比我更适合这个长官的职位。对士兵们讲了几句劝勉的话以后，我就离开了。他们护送我到伯利恒，我在那里小住了几天，以便缓解我所经历的劳顿。第一天晚上，我躺在舒适的床上，难以入睡，因为这与在哥那登荷裹着一两条毯子睡在木屋里的地板上有着天壤之别啊。

　　43在伯利恒逗留期间，我稍稍了解了一下弟兄会教友的情况，他们也派了些人来陪同我，他们对我都非常好。我发现他们实行共产，一起吃饭，一起住集体宿舍。我在宿舍里看到在靠近天花板的墙上每隔一定的距离就开一个气孔，我想这些气孔应该是用来流通空气的。我到了他们的教堂，在那里我听了美妙的音乐，他们用提琴、萧、横笛、竖琴等乐器同风琴一起演奏。我也了解到他们讲道不像我们通常讲道，面对所有类型的观众，男人了，妇女了，孩子了等等；但他们的集会是分开来的，有时是面对已婚的男人，有时是面对他们的妻子，有时是年青的男子，年青的女人，还有小孩子。我曾听他们向小孩子布道，男孩子们由他们的导师，一个青年男人领着，女孩们由一个年轻的女人领着，他们排队进入教堂依次坐在长凳上。演讲似乎很适合他们的口味，讲时用的也是一种亲切愉快的口吻，仿佛在哄他们做乖孩子。他们表现的非常有秩序，但是看起来脸色苍白，不太健康，这些使我怀疑他们是不是被关在屋子里太久了，缺乏足够的运动。

　　44我调查了一下弟兄会的婚姻情况，看看是不是真的像传说中的那样是由抽签决定的，但他们告诉我，他们很少用到这一方法，通常，当一个青年男子打算结婚时，他会向他班上的长者咨询，他又会同管理那些年轻女孩的年纪大的女士询问。因为这些不同性别的年长的管理者对他们年轻人的脾气性情都很熟悉，他们最能判断谁配谁最合适，一般来说，男女双方对他们的决定总体上还是感到满意的。但是，假设说，假如他们认为有两三个年轻女人都同样适合一个青年男子，那时才使用抽签的办法。我反对这样的做法，假如这样的匹配不是双方的相互选择，那么他们就会觉得很不幸福。“可是就是让他们自己选择”告诉我这样情况的人说，“他们也会觉得不满意啊。”事实上也是这样，我也不能否定。

　　Part 7

　　1In 1754, war with France being again apprehended, a congress of commissioners from the different colonies was, by an order of the Lords of Trade, to be assembled at Albany, there to confer with the chiefs of the Six Nations concerning the means of defending both their country and ours. Governor Hamilton, having receiv'd this order, acquainted the House with it, requesting they would furnish proper presents for the Indians, to be given on this occasion; and naming the speaker (Mr. Norris) and myself to join Mr. Thomas Penn and Mr. Secretary Peters as commissioners to act for Pennsylvania. The House approv'd the nomination, and provided the goods for the present, tho' they did not much like treating out of the province, and we met the other commissioners at Albany about the middle of June.

　　2In our way thither, I projected and drew a plan for the union of all the colonies under one government, so far as might be necessary for defense, and other important general purposes. As we pass'd thro' New York, I had there shown my project to Mr. James Alexander and Mr. Kennedy, two gentlemen of great knowledge in public affairs, and, being fortified by their approbation, I ventur'd to lay it before the Congress. It then appeared that several of the commissioners had form'd plans of the same kind. A previous question was first taken, whether a union should be established, which pass'd in the affirmative unanimously. A committee was then appointed, one member from each colony, to consider the several plans and report. Mine happen'd to be preferr'd, and, with a few amendments, was accordingly reported.

　　3By this plan the general government was to be administered by a president-general, appointed and supported by the crown, and a grand council was to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the several colonies, met in their respective assemblies. The debates upon it in Congress went on daily, hand in hand with the Indian business. Many objections and difficulties were started, but at length they were all overcome, and the plan was unanimously agreed to, and copies ordered to be transmitted to the Board of Trade and to the assemblies of the several provinces. Its fate was singular: the assemblies did not adopt it, as they all thought there was too much prerogative in it, and in England it was judg'd to have too much of the democratic.

　　4The Board of Trade therefore did not approve of it, nor recommend it for the approbation of his majesty; but another scheme was form'd, supposed to answer the same purpose better, whereby the governors of the provinces, with some members of their respective councils, were to meet and order the raising of troops, building of forts, etc., and to draw on the treasury of Great Britain for the expense, which was afterwards to be refunded by an act of Parliament laying a tax on America. My plan, with my reasons in support of it, is to be found among my political papers that are printed.

　　5Being the winter following in Boston, I had much conversation with Governor Shirley upon both the plans. Part of what passed between us on the occasion may also be seen among those papers. The different and contrary reasons of dislike to my plan makes me suspect that it was really the true medium; and I am still of opinion it would have been happy for both sides the water if it had been adopted. The colonies, so united, would have been sufficiently strong to have defended themselves; there would then have been no need of troops from England; of course, the subsequent pretence for taxing America, and the bloody contest it occasioned, would have been avoided. But such mistakes are not new; history is full of the errors of states and princes.

　　Look round the habitable world, how few

　　Know their own good, or, knowing it, pursue!

　　6Those who govern, having much business on their hands, do not generally like to take the trouble of considering and carrying into execution new projects. The best public measures are therefore seldom adopted from previous wisdom, but forc'd by the occasion.

　　7The Governor of Pennsylvania, in sending it down to the Assembly, express'd his approbation of the plan, \"as appearing to him to be drawn up with great clearness and strength of judgment, and therefore recommended it as well worthy of their closest and most serious attention.\" The House, however, by the management of a certain member, took it up when I happen'd to be absent, which I thought not very fair, and reprobated it without paying any attention to it at all, to my no small mortification.

　　8In my journey to Boston this year, I met at New York with our new governor, Mr. Morris, just arriv'd there from England, with whom I had been before intimately acquainted. He brought a commission to supersede Mr. Hamilton, who, tir'd with the disputes his proprietary instructions subjected him to, had resign'd. Mr. Morris ask'd me if I thought he must expect as uncomfortable an administration. I said, \"No; you may, on the contrary, have a very comfortable one, if you will only take care not to enter into any dispute with the Assembly.\" \"My dear friend,\" says he, pleasantly, \"how can you advise my avoiding disputes? You know I love disputing; it is one of my greatest pleasures; however, to show the regard I have for your counsel, I promise you I will, if possible, avoid them.\" He had some reason for loving to dispute, being eloquent, an acute sophister, and, therefore, generally successful in argumentative conversation. He had been brought up to it from a boy, his father, as I have heard, accustoming his children to dispute with one another for his diversion, while sitting at table after dinner; but I think the practice was not wise; for, in the course of my observation, these disputing, contradicting, and confuting people are generally unfortunate in their affairs. They get victory sometimes, but they never get good will, which would be of more use to them. We parted, he going to Philadelphia, and I to Boston.

　　9In returning, I met at New York with the votes of the Assembly, by which it appear'd that, notwithstanding his promise to me, he and the House were already in high contention; and it was a continual battle between them as long as he retain'd the government. I had my share of it; for, as soon as I got back to my seat in the Assembly, I was put on every committee for answering his speeches and messages, and by the committees always desired to make the drafts. Our answers, as well as his messages, were often tart, and sometimes indecently abusive; and, as he knew I wrote for the Assembly, one might have imagined that, when we met, we could hardly avoid cutting throats; but he was so good-natur'd a man that no personal difference between him and me was occasion'd by the contest, and we often din'd together.

　　10One afternoon, in the height of this public quarrel, we met in the street. \"Franklin,\" says he, \"you must go home with me and spend the evening; I am to have some company that you will like;\" and, taking me by the arm, he led me to his house. In gay conversation over our wine, after supper, he told us, jokingly, that he much admir'd the idea of Sancho Panza, who, when it was proposed to give him a government, requested it might be a government of blacks, as then, if he could not agree with his people, he might sell them. One of his friends, who sat next to me, says, \"Franklin, why do you continue to side with these damn'd Quakers? Had not you better sell them? The proprietor would give you a good price.\" \"The governor,\" says I, \"has not yet blacked them enough.\" He, indeed, had labored hard to blacken the Assembly in all his messages, but they wip'd off his coloring as fast as he laid it on, and plac'd it, in return, thick upon his own face; so that, finding he was likely to be negrofied himself, he, as well as Mr. Hamilton, grew tir'd of the contest, and quitted the government.

　　11These public quarrels were all at bottom owing to the proprietaries, our hereditary governors, who, when any expense was to be incurred for the defense of their province, with incredible meanness instructed their deputies to pass no act for levying the necessary taxes, unless their vast estates were in the same act expressly excused; and they had even taken bonds of these deputies to observe such instructions. The Assemblies for three years held out against this injustice, tho' constrained to bend at last. At length Captain Denny, who was Governor Morris's successor, ventured to disobey those instructions; how that was brought about I shall show hereafter.

　　But I am got forward too fast with my story: there are still some transactions to be mention'd that happened during the administration of Governor Morris.

　　12War being in a manner commenced with France, the government of Massachusetts Bay projected an attack upon Crown Point, and sent Mr. Quincy to Pennsylvania, and Mr. Pownall, afterward Governor Pownall, to New York, to solicit assistance. As I was in the Assembly, knew its temper, and was Mr. Quincy's countryman, he appli'd to me for my influence and assistance. I dictated his address to them, which was well receiv'd. They voted an aid of ?10,000, to be laid out in provisions. But the governor refusing his assent to their bill (which included this with other sums granted for the use of the crown), unless a clause were inserted exempting the proprietary estate from bearing any part of the tax that would be necessary, the Assembly, tho' very desirous of making their grant to New England effectual, were at a loss how to accomplish it. Mr. Quincy labored hard with the governor to obtain his assent, but he was obstinate.

　　13I then suggested a method of doing the business without the governor, by orders on the trustees of the Loan Office, which, by law, the Assembly had the right of drawing. There was, indeed, little or no money at that time in the office, and therefore I propos'd that the orders should be payable in a year, and to bear an interest of five per cent. With these orders I suppos'd the provisions might easily be purchas'd. The Assembly, with very little hesitation, adopted the proposal. The orders were immediately printed, and I was one of the committee directed to sign and dispose of them. The fund for paying them was the interest of all the paper currency then extant in the province upon loan, together with the revenue arising from the excise, which being known to be more than sufficient, they obtain'd instant credit, and were not only receiv'd in payment for the provisions, but many money'd people, who had cash lying by them, vested it in those orders, which they found advantageous, as they bore interest while upon hand, and might on any occasion be used as money; so that they were eagerly all bought up, and in a few weeks none of them were to be seen. Thus this important affair was by my means compleated. My Quincy return'd thanks to the Assembly in a handsome memorial, went home highly pleas'd with the success of his embassy, and ever after bore for me the most cordial and affectionate friendship.

　　14The British government, not chusing to permit the union of the colonies as propos'd at Albany, and to trust that union with their defense, lest they should thereby grow too military, and feel their own strength, suspicions and jealousies at this time being entertain'd of them, sent over General Braddock with two regiments of regular English troops for that purpose. He landed at Alexandria, in Virginia, and thence march'd to Frederictown, in Maryland, where he halted for carriages. Our Assembly apprehending, from some information, that he had conceived violent prejudices against them, as averse to the service, wish'd me to wait upon him, not as from them, but as postmaster-general, under the guise of proposing to settle with him the mode of conducting with most celerity and certainty the despatches between him and the governors of the several provinces, with whom he must necessarily have continual correspondence, and of which they propos'd to pay the expense. My son accompanied me on this journey.

　　15We found the general at Frederictown, waiting impatiently for the return of those he had sent thro' the back parts of Maryland and Virginia to collect waggons. I stayed with him several days, din'd with him daily, and had full opportunity of removing all his prejudices, by the information of what the Assembly had before his arrival actually done, and were still willing to do, to facilitate his operations. When I was about to depart, the returns of waggons to be obtained were brought in, by which it appear'd that they amounted only to twenty-five, and not all of those were in serviceable condition. The general and all the officers were surpris'd, declar'd the expedition was then at an end, being impossible, and exclaim'd against the ministers for ignorantly landing them in a country destitute of the means of conveying their stores, baggage, etc., not less than one hundred and fifty waggons being necessary.

　　16I happened to say I thought it was a pity they had not been landed rather in Pennsylvania, as in that country almost every farmer had his waggon. The general eagerly laid hold of my words, and said, \"Then you, sir, who are a man of interest there, can probably procure them for us; and I beg you will undertake it.\" I ask'd what terms were to be offer'd the owners of the waggons; and I was desir'd to put on paper the terms that appeared to me necessary. This I did, and they were agreed to, and a commission and instructions accordingly prepar'd immediately. What those terms were will appear in the advertisement I publish'd as soon as I arriv'd at Lancaster, which being, from the great and sudden effect it produc'd, a piece of some curiosity, I shall insert it at length, as follows:

　　ADVERTISEMENT

　　Lancaster, April 26, 1753

　　Whereas, one hundred and fifty waggons, with four horses to each waggon, and fifteen hundred saddle or pack horses, are wanted for the service of his majesty's forces now about to rendezvous at Will's Creek, and his excellency General Braddock having been pleased to empower me to contract for the hire of the same, I hereby give notice that I shall attend for that purpose at Lancaster from this day to next Wednesday evening, and at York from next Thursday morning till Friday evening, where I shall be ready to agree for waggons and teams, or single horses, on the following terms, viz.: I. That there shall be paid for each waggon, with four good horses and a driver, fifteen shillings per diem; and for each able horse with a pack-saddle, or other saddle and furniture, two shillings per diem; and for each able horse without a saddle, eighteen pence per diem. 2. That the pay commence from the time of their joining the forces at Will's Creek, which must be on or before the 20th of May ensuing, and that a reasonable allowance be paid over and above for the time necessary for their travelling to Will's Creek and home again after their discharge. 3. Each waggon and team, and every saddle or pack horse, is to be valued by indifferent persons chosen between me and the owner; and in case of the loss of any waggon, team, or other horse in the service, the price according to such valuation is to be allowed and paid. 4. Seven days' pay is to be advanced and paid in hand by me to the owner of each waggon and team, or horse, at the time of contracting, if required, and the remainder to be paid by General Braddock, or by the paymaster of the army, at the time of their discharge, or from time to time,as it shall be demanded. 5. No drivers of waggons, or persons taking care of the hired horses, are on any account to be called upon to do the duty of soldiers, or be otherwise employed than in conducting or taking care of their carriages or horses. 6. All oats, Indian corn, or other forage that waggons or horses bring to the camp, more than is necessary for the subsistence of the horses, is to be taken for the use of the army, and a reasonable price paid for the same.

　　Note.—My son, William Franklin, is empowered to enter into like contracts with any person in Cumberland county.

　　B. FRANKLIN.

　　To the inhabitants of the Counties of Lancaster, York and Cumberland.

　　Friends and Countrymen,

　　Being occasionally at the camp at Frederic a few days since, I found the general and officers extremely exasperated on account of their not being supplied with horses and carriages, which had been expected from this province, as most able to furnish them; but, through the dissensions between our governor and Assembly, money had not been provided, nor any steps taken for that purpose.

　　It was proposed to send an armed force immediately into these counties, to seize as many of the best carriages and horses as should be wanted, and compel as many persons into the service as would be necessary to drive and take care of them.

　　I apprehended that the progress of British soldiers through these counties on such an occasion, especially considering the temper they are in, and their resentment against us, would be attended with many and great inconveniences to the inhabitants, and therefore more willingly took the trouble of trying first what might be done by fair and equitable means. The people of these back counties have lately complained to the Assembly that a sufficient currency was wanting; you have an opportunity of receiving and dividing among you a very considerable sum; for, if the service of this expedition should continue, as it is more than probable it will, for one hundred and twenty days, the hire of these waggons and horses will amount to upward of ?30,000, which will be paid you in silver and gold of the king's money.

　　The service will be light and easy, for the army will scarce march above twelve miles per day, and the waggons and baggage-horses, as they carry those things that are absolutely necessary to the welfare of the army, must march with the army, and no faster; and are, for the army's sake, always placed where they can be most secure, whether in a march or in a camp.

　　If you are really, as I believe you are, good and loyal subjects to his majesty, you may now do a most acceptable service, and make it easy to yourselves; for three or four of such as can not separately spare from the business of their plantations a waggon and four horses and a driver, may do it together, one furnishing the waggon, another one or two horses, and another the driver, and divide the pay proportionately between you; but if you do not this service to your king and country voluntarily, when such good pay and reasonable terms are offered to you, your loyalty will be strongly suspected. The king's business must be done; so many brave troops, come so far for your defense, must not stand idle through your backwardness to do what may be reasonably expected from you; waggons and horses must be had; violent measures will probably be used, and you will be left to seek for a recompense where you can find it, and your case, perhaps, be little pitied or regarded.

　　I have no particular interest in this affair, as, except the satisfaction of endeavoring to do good, I shall have only my labour for my pains. If this method of obtaining the waggons and horses is not likely to succeed, I am obliged to send word to the general in fourteen days; and I suppose Sir John St. Clair, the hussar, with a body of soldiers, will immediately enter the province for the purpose, which I shall be sorry to hear, because I am very sincerely and truly

　　Your friend and well-wisher.

　　B. FRANKLIN.

　　17I received of the general about ?800, to be disbursed in advance-money to the waggon owners, etc.; but, that sum being insufficient, I advanc'd upward of ?200 more, and in two weeks the one hundred and fifty waggons, with two hundred and fifty-nine carrying horses, were on their march for the camp. The advertisement promised payment according to the valuation, in case any waggon or horse should be lost. The owners, however, alleging they did not know General Braddock, or what dependence might be had on his promise, insisted on my bond for the performance, which I accordingly gave them.

　　18While I was at the camp, supping one evening with the officers of Colonel Dunbar's regiment, he represented to me his concern for the subalterns, who, he said, were generally not in affluence, and could ill afford, in this dear country, to lay in the stores that might be necessary in so long a march, thro' a wilderness, where nothing was to be purchas'd. I commiserated their case, and resolved to endeavor procuring them some relief. I said nothing, however, to him of my intention, but wrote the next morning to the committee of the Assembly, who had the disposition of some public money, warmly recommending the case of these officers to their consideration, and proposing that a present should be sent them of necessaries and refreshments. My son, who had some experience of a camp life, and of its wants, drew up a list for me, which I enclos'd in my letter. The committee approv'd, and used such diligence that, conducted by my son, the stores arrived at the camp as soon as the waggons. They consisted of twenty parcels, each containing

　　6 lbs. loaf sugar. 6 lbs. good Muscovado do.

　　1 lb. good green tea. 1 lb. good bohea do.

　　6 lbs. good ground coffee. 6 lbs. chocolate.

　　1\/2 cwt. best white biscuit. 1\/2 lb. pepper.

　　1 quart best white wine vinegar. 1 Gloucester cheese.

　　1 keg containing 20 lbs. good butter. 2 doz. old Madeira wine.

　　2 gallons Jamaica spirits. 1 bottle flour of mustard.

　　2 well-cur'd hams. 1\/2 dozen dry'd tongues.

　　6 lbs. rice. 6 lbs. raisins.

　　19These twenty parcels, well pack'd, were placed on as many horses, each parcel, with the horse, being intended as a present for one officer. They were very thankfully receiv'd, and the kindness acknowledg'd by letters to me from the colonels of both regiments, in the most grateful terms. The general, too, was highly satisfied with my conduct in procuring him the waggons, etc., and readily paid my account of disbursements, thanking me repeatedly, and requesting my farther assistance in sending provisions after him. I undertook this also, and was busily employ'd in it till we heard of his defeat, advancing for the service of my own money, upwards of ?1000 sterling, of which I sent him an account. It came to his hands, luckily for me, a few days before the battle, and he return'd me immediately an order on the paymaster for the round sum of ?1,000, leaving the remainder to the next account. I consider this payment as good luck, having never been able to obtain that remainder, of which more hereafter.

　　20This general was, I think, a brave man, and might probably have made a figure as a good officer in some European war. But he had too much self-confidence, too high an opinion of the validity of regular troops, and too mean a one of both Americans and Indians. George Croghan, our Indian interpreter, join'd him on his march with one hundred of those people, who might have been of great use to his army as guides, scouts, etc., if he had treated them kindly; but he slighted and neglected them, and they gradually left him.

　　21In conversation with him one day, he was giving me some account of his intended progress. \"After taking Fort Duquesne,\" says he, \"I am to proceed to Niagara; and, having taken that, to Frontenac, if the season will allow time; and I suppose it will, for Duquesne can hardly detain me above three or four days; and then I see nothing that can obstruct my march to Niagara.\" Having before revolv'd in my mind the long line his army must make in their march by a very narrow road, to be cut for them thro' the woods and bushes, and also what I had read of a former defeat of fifteen hundred French, who invaded the Iroquois country, I had conceiv'd some doubts and some fears for the event of the campaign. But I ventur'd only to say, \"To be sure, sir, if you arrive well before Duquesne, with these fine troops, so well provided with artillery, that place not yet compleatly fortified, and as we hear with no very strong garrison, can probably make but a short resistance. The only danger I apprehend of obstruction to your march is from ambuscades of Indians, who, by constant practice, are dexterous in laying and executing them; and the slender line, near four miles long, which your army must make, may expose it to be attack'd by surprise in its flanks, and to be cut like a thread into several pieces, which, from their distance, can not come up in time to support each other.\"

　　22He smil'd at my ignorance, and reply'd, \"These savages may, indeed, be a formidable enemy to your raw American militia, but upon the king's regular and disciplin'd troops, sir, it is impossible they should make any impression.\" I was conscious of an impropriety in my disputing with a military man in matters of his profession, and said no more. The enemy, however, did not take the advantage of his army which I apprehended its long line of march expos'd it to, but let it advance without interruption till within nine miles of the place; and then, when more in a body (for it had just passed a river, where the front had halted till all were come over), and in a more open part of the woods than any it had pass'd, attack'd its advanced guard by a heavy fire from behind trees and bushes, which was the first intelligence the general had of an enemy's being near him. This guard being disordered, the general hurried the troops up to their assistance, which was done in great confusion, thro' waggons, baggage, and cattle; and presently the fire came upon their flank: the officers, being on horseback, were more easily distinguish'd, pick'd out as marks, and fell very fast; and the soldiers were crowded together in a huddle, having or hearing no orders, and standing to be shot at till two-thirds of them were killed; and then, being seiz'd with a panick, the whole fled with precipitation.

　　23The waggoners took each a horse out of his team and scamper'd; their example was immediately followed by others; so that all the waggons, provisions, artillery, and stores were left to the enemy. The general, being wounded, was brought off with difficulty; his secretary, Mr. Shirley, was killed by his side; and out of eighty-six officers, sixty-three were killed or wounded, and seven hundred and fourteen men killed out of eleven hundred. These eleven hundred had been picked men from the whole army; the rest had been left behind with Colonel Dunbar, who was to follow with the heavier part of the stores, provisions, and baggage. The flyers, not being pursu'd, arriv'd at Dunbar's camp, and the panick they brought with them instantly seiz'd him and all his people; and, tho' he had now above one thousand men, and the enemy who bad beaten Braddock did not at most exceed four hundred Indians and French together, instead of proceeding, and endeavoring to recover some of the lost honour, he ordered all the stores, ammunition, etc., to be destroy'd, that he might have more horses to assist his flight towards the settlements, and less lumber to remove. He was there met with requests from the governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, that he would post his troops on the frontiers, so as to afford some protection to the inhabitants; but he continu'd his hasty march thro' all the country, not thinking himself safe till he arriv'd at Philadelphia, where the inhabitants could protect him. This whole transaction gave us Americans the first suspicion that our exalted ideas of the prowess of British regulars had not been well founded.

　　24In their first march, too, from their landing till they got beyond the settlements, they had plundered and stripped the inhabitants, totally ruining some poor families, besides insulting, abusing, and confining the people if they remonstrated. This was enough to put us out of conceit of such defenders, if we had really wanted any. How different was the conduct of our French friends in 1781, who, during a march thro' the most inhabited part of our country from Rhode Island to Virginia, near seven hundred miles, occasioned not the smallest complaint for the loss of a pig, a chicken, or even an apple.

　　25Captain Orme, who was one of the general's aids-de-camp, and, being grievously wounded, was brought off with him, and continu'd with him to his death, which happen'd in a few days, told me that he was totally silent all the first day, and at night only said, \"Who would have thought it?\" That he was silent again the following day, saying only at last, \"We shall better know how to deal with them another time;\" and dy'd in a few minutes after.

　　26The secretary's papers, with all the general's orders, instructions, and correspondence, falling into the enemy's hands, they selected and translated into French a number of the articles, which they printed, to prove the hostile intentions of the British court before the declaration of war. Among these I saw some letters of the general to the ministry, speaking highly of the great service I had rendered the army, and recommending me to their notice. David Hume, too, who was some years after secretary to Lord Hertford, when minister in France, and afterward to General Conway, when secretary of state, told me he had seen among the papers in that office, letters from Braddock highly recommending me. But, the expedition having been unfortunate, my service, it seems, was not thought of much value, for those recommendations were never of any use to me.

　　27As to rewards from himself, I ask'd only one, which was, that he would give orders to his officers not to enlist any more of our bought servants, and that he would discharge such as had been already enlisted. This he readily granted, and several were accordingly return'd to their masters, on my application. Dunbar, when the command devolv'd on him, was not so generous. He being at Philadelphia, on his retreat, or rather flight, I apply'd to him for the discharge of the servants of three poor farmers of Lancaster county that he had enlisted, reminding him of the late general's orders on that bead. He promised me that, if the masters would come to him at Trenton, where he should be in a few days on his march to New York, he would there deliver their men to them. They accordingly were at the expense and trouble of going to Trenton, and there he refus'd to perform his promise, to their great loss and disappointment.

　　28As soon as the loss of the waggons and horses was generally known, all the owners came upon me for the valuation which I had given bond to pay. Their demands gave me a great deal of trouble, my acquainting them that the money was ready in the paymaster's hands, but that orders for paying it must first be obtained from General Shirley, and my assuring them that I had apply'd to that general by letter; but, he being at a distance, an answer could not soon be receiv'd, and they must have patience, all this was not sufficient to satisfy, and some began to sue me. General Shirley at length relieved me from this terrible situation by appointing commissioners to examine the claims, and ordering payment. They amounted to near ?20,000, which to pay would have ruined me.

　　29Before we had the news of this defeat, the two Doctors Bond came to me with a subscription paper for raising money to defray the expense of a grand firework, which it was intended to exhibit at a rejoicing on receipt of the news of our taking Fort Duquesne. I looked grave, and said it would, I thought, be time enough to prepare for the rejoicing when we knew we should have occasion to rejoice. They seem'd surpris'd that I did not immediately comply with their proposal. \"Why the d—l!\" says one of them, \"you surely don't suppose that the fort will not be taken?\" \"I don't know that it will not be taken, but I know that the events of war are subject to great uncertainty.\" I gave them the reasons of my doubting; the subscription was dropt, and the projectors thereby missed the mortification they would have undergone if the firework had been prepared. Dr. Bond, on some other occasion afterward, said that he did not like Franklin's forebodings.

　　30Governor Morris, who had continually worried the Assembly with message after message before the defeat of Braddock, to beat them into the making of acts to raise money for the defense of the province, without taxing, among others, the proprietary estates, and had rejected all their bills for not having such an exempting clause, now redoubled his attacks with more hope of success, the danger and necessity being greater. The Assembly, however, continu'd firm, believing they had justice on their side, and that it would be giving up an essential right if they suffered the governor to amend their money-bills.

　　31In one of the last, indeed, which was for granting ?50,000, his propos'd amendment was only of a single word. The bill expressed \"that all estates, real and personal, were to be taxed, those of the proprietaries not excepted.\" His amendment was, for \"not\" read \"only\"—a small, but very material alteration. However, when the news of this disaster reached England, our friends there, whom we had taken care to furnish with all the Assembly's answers to the governor's messages, rais'd a clamor against the proprietaries for their meanness and injustice in giving their governor such instructions; some going so far as to say that, by obstructing the defense of their province, they forfeited their right to it. They were intimidated by this, and sent orders to their receiver-general to add ?5,000 of their money to whatever sum might be given by the Assembly for such purpose.

　　32This, being notified to the House, was accepted in lieu of their share of a general tax, and a new bill was form'd, with an exempting clause, which passed accordingly. By this act I was appointed one of the commissioners for disposing of the money, ?60,000. I had been active in modelling the bill and procuring its passage, and had, at the same time, drawn a bill for establishing and disciplining of a voluntary militia, which I carried thro' the House without much difficulty, as care was taken in it to leave the Quakers at their liberty. To promote the association necessary to form the militia, I wrote a dialogue, stating and answering all the objections I could think of to such a militia, which was printed, and had, as I thought, great effect.

　　33While the several companies in the city and country were forming and learning their exercise, the governor prevail'd with me to take charge of our North-western frontier, which was infested by the enemy, and provide for the defense of the inhabitants by raising troops and building a line of forts. I undertook this military business, tho' I did not conceive myself well qualified for it. He gave me a commission with full powers, and a parcel of blank commissions for officers, to be given to whom I thought fit. I had but little difficulty in raising men, having soon five hundred and sixty under my command. My son, who had in the preceding war been an officer in the army rais'd against Canada, was my aid-de-camp, and of great use to me. The Indians had burned Gnadenhut, a village settled by the Moravians, and massacred the inhabitants; but the place was thought a good situation for one of the forts.

　　34In order to march thither, I assembled the companies at Bethlehem, the chief establishment of those people. I was surprised to find it in so good a posture of defense; the destruction of Gnadenhut had made them apprehend danger. The principal buildings were defended by a stockade; they had purchased a quantity of arms and ammunition from New York, and had even plac'd quantities of small paving stones between the windows of their high stone houses, for their women to throw down upon the heads of any Indians that should attempt to force into them. The armed brethren, too, kept watch, and reliev'd as methodically as in any garrison town. In conversation with the bishop, Spangenberg, I mention'd this my surprise; for, knowing they had obtained an act of Parliament exempting them from military duties in the colonies, I had suppos'd they were conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms. He answer'd me that it was not one of their established principles, but that, at the time of their obtaining that act, it was thought to be a principle with many of their people. On this occasion, however, they, to their surprise, found it adopted by but a few. It seems they were either deceiv'd in themselves, or deceiv'd the Parliament; but common sense, aided by present danger, will sometimes be too strong for whimsical opinions.

　　35It was the beginning of January when we set out upon this business of building forts. I sent one detachment toward the Minisink, with instructions to erect one for the security of that upper part of the country, and another to the lower part, with similar instructions; and I concluded to go myself with the rest of my force to Gnadenhut, where a fort was tho't more immediately necessary. The Moravians procur'd me five waggons for our tools, stores, baggage, etc.

　　36Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who had been driven from their plantations by the Indians, came to me requesting a supply of firearms, that they might go back and fetch off their cattle. I gave them each a gun with suitable ammunition. We had not march'd many miles before it began to rain, and it continued raining all day; there were no habitations on the road to shelter us, till we arriv'd near night at the house of a German, where, and in his barn, we were all huddled together, as wet as water could make us. It was well we were not attack'd in our march, for our arms were of the most ordinary sort, and our men could not keep their gun locks dry. The Indians are dextrous in contrivances for that purpose, which we had not. They met that day the eleven poor farmers above mentioned, and killed ten of them. The one who escap'd inform'd that his and his companions' guns would not go off, the priming being wet with the rain.

　　37The next day being fair, we continu'd our march, and arriv'd at the desolated Gnadenhut. There was a saw-mill near, round which were left several piles of boards, with which we soon hutted ourselves; an operation the more necessary at that inclement season, as we had no tents. Our first work was to bury more effectually the dead we found there, who had been half interr'd by the country people.

　　38The next morning our fort was plann'd and mark'd out, the circumference measuring four hundred and fifty-five feet, which would require as many palisades to be made of trees, one with another, of a foot diameter each. Our axes, of which we had seventy, were immediately set to work to cut down trees, and, our men being dextrous in the use of them, great despatch was made. Seeing the trees fall so fast, I had the curiosity to look at my watch when two men began to cut at a pine; in six minutes they had it upon the ground, and I found it of fourteen inches diameter. Each pine made three palisades of eighteen feet long, pointed at one end. While these were preparing, our other men dug a trench all round, of three feet deep, in which the palisades were to be planted; and, our waggons, the bodys being taken off, and the fore and hind wheels separated by taking out the pin which united the two parts of the perch, we had ten carriages, with two horses each, to bring the palisades from the woods to the spot. When they were set up, our carpenters built a stage of boards all round within, about six feet high, for the men to stand on when to fire thro' the loopholes. We had one swivel gun, which we mounted on one of the angles, and fir'd it as soon as fix'd, to let the Indians know, if any were within hearing, that we had such pieces; and thus our fort, if such a magnificent name may be given to so miserable a stockade, was finish'd in a week, though it rain'd so hard every other day that the men could not work.

　　39This gave me occasion to observe, that, when men are employ'd, they are best content'd; for on the days they worked they were good-natur'd and cheerful, and, with the consciousness of having done a good day's work, they spent the evening jollily; but on our idle days they were mutinous and quarrelsome, finding fault with their pork, the bread, etc., and in continual ill-humor, which put me in mind of a sea-captain, whose rule it was to keep his men constantly at work; and, when his mate once told him that they had done every thing, and there was nothing further to employ them about, \"Oh,\" says he, \"Make them scour the anchor.\"

　　40This kind of fort, however contemptible, is a sufficient defense against Indians, who have no cannon. Finding ourselves now posted securely, and having a place to retreat to on occasion, we ventur'd out in parties to scour the adjacent country. We met with no Indians, but we found the places on the neighboring hills where they had lain to watch our proceedings. There was an art in their contrivance of those places, that seems worth mention. It being winter, a fire was necessary for them; but a common fire on the surface of the ground would by its light have discovered their position at a distance. They had therefore dug holes in the ground about three feet diameter, and somewhat deeper; we saw where they had with their hatchets cut off the charcoal from the sides of burnt logs lying in the woods. With these coals they had made small fires in the bottom of the holes, and we observ'd among the weeds and grass the prints of their bodies, made by their laying all round, with their legs hanging down in the holes to keep their feet warm, which, with them, is an essential point. This kind of fire, so manag'd, could not discover them, either by its light, flame, sparks, or even smoke: it appear'd that their number was not great, and it seems they saw we were too many to be attacked by them with prospect of advantage.

　　41We had for our chaplain a zealous Presbyterian minister, Mr. Beatty, who complained to me that the men did not generally attend his prayers and exhortations. When they enlisted, they were promised, besides pay and provisions, a gill of rum a day, which was punctually serv'd out to them, half in the morning, and the other half in the evening; and I observ'd they were as punctual in attending to receive it; upon which I said to Mr. Beatty, \"It is, perhaps, below the dignity of your profession to act as steward of the rum, but if you were to deal it out and only just after prayers, you would have them all about you.\" He liked the tho't, undertook the office, and, with the help of a few hands to measure out the liquor, executed it to satisfaction, and never were prayers more generally and more punctually attended; so that I thought this method preferable to the punishment inflicted by some military laws for non-attendance on divine service.

　　42I had hardly finish'd this business, and got my fort well stor'd with provisions, when I receiv'd a letter from the governor, acquainting me that he had call'd the Assembly, and wished my attendance there, if the posture of affairs on the frontiers was such that my remaining there was no longer necessary. My friends, too, of the Assembly, pressing me by their letters to be, if possible, at the meeting, and my three intended forts being now compleated, and the inhabitants contented to remain on their farms under that protection, I resolved to return; the more willingly, as a New England officer, Colonel Clapham, experienced in Indian war, being on a visit to our establishment, consented to accept the command. I gave him a commission, and, parading the garrison, had it read before them, and introduc'd him to them as an officer who, from his skill in military affairs, was much more fit to command them than myself; and, giving them a little exhortation, took my leave. I was escorted as far as Bethlehem, where I rested a few days to recover from the fatigue I had undergone. The first night, being in a good bed, I could hardly sleep, it was so different from my hard lodging on the floor of our hut at Gnaden wrapt only in a blanket or two.

　　43While at Bethlehem, I inquir'd a little into the practice of the Moravians: some of them had accompanied me, and all were very kind to me. I found they work'd for a common stock, eat at common tables, and slept in common dormitories, great numbers together. In the dormitories I observed loopholes, at certain distances all along just under the ceiling, which I thought judiciously placed for change of air. I was at their church, where I was entertain'd with good musick, the organ being accompanied with violins, hautboys, flutes, clarinets, etc. I understood that their sermons were not usually preached to mixed congregations of men, women, and children, as is our common practice, but that they assembled sometimes the married men, at other times their wives, then the young men, the young women, and the little children, each division by itself. The sermon I heard was to the latter, who came in and were plac'd in rows on benches; the boys under the conduct of a young man, their tutor, and the girls conducted by a young woman. The discourse seem'd well adapted to their capacities, and was deliver'd in a pleasing, familiar manner, coaxing them, as it were, to be good. They behav'd very orderly, but looked pale and unhealthy, which made me suspect they were kept too much within doors, or not allow'd sufficient exercise.

　　44I inquir'd concerning the Moravian marriages, whether the report was true that they were by lot. I was told that lots were us'd only in particular cases; that generally, when a young man found himself dispos'd to marry, he inform'd the elders of his class, who consulted the elder ladies that govern'd the young women. As these elders of the different sexes were well acquainted with the tempers and dispositions of their respective pupils, they could best judge what matches were suitable, and their judgments were generally acquiesc'd in; but if, for example, it should happen that two or three young women were found to be equally proper for the young man, the lot was then recurred to. I objected, if the matches are not made by the mutual choice of the parties, some of them may chance to be very unhappy. \"And so they may,\" answer'd my informer, \"if you let the parties chuse for themselves;\"—which, indeed, I could not deny.